Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 6 Num. 69

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("Quid coniuratio est?")

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LOCKERBIE: CRACKS IN THE COVER-UP

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[From The London Sunday Telegraph, 29 January 1995]

[My thanks to "D.C. Dave" for sending me this.]

Within hours of Pan Am flight 103 devastating the Scottish border

village of Lockerbie in December 1988, a team of American secret

agents was methodically working its way through the crash site.

By the following morning a small area on the outskirts of the

town had been sealed off. The Americans removed a suitcase full

of heroin and some incriminating documents from a U.S. undercover

agent, who died in the crash, and was taking part in a "sting"

drug smuggling operation in Lebanon.

Two months prior to Lockerbie, the worst civilian atrocity

committed on British soil since the last war, the German security

services had rounded up a Palestinian terrorist cell in

Frankfurt.

The ringleaders of the cell, sent to Germany to conduct terrorist

operations, were caught red-handed. A primed bomb, almost

identical to the one which destroyed the Pan Am flight, was found

in the back of their car.

After five days of questioning, and following a bitter dispute

between rival German security agencies, 12 of the 14 Palestinians

arrested were released in October 1988, together with their bomb-

making equipment.

One of those released, Marwan Khreesat, a known Jordanian bomb-

maker, is believed by many experts on the case, with the key

exceptions of American and British officialdom, to be the man who

masterminded the placing of the bomb on the Pan Am flight at

Frankfurt airport, which resulted in the murder of 270 people.

This is not idle supposition. These are the conclusions that have

been reached following numerous, exhaustive inquiries which have

sought to establish the truth about the disaster.

But tell any of the above to the governments responsible for

bringing the culprits to justice, and they will respond either

with an outright denial or sullen silence.

Far from actively seeking the truth about Lockerbie, the British,

German and American governments appear to engage in a contest to

deny any new evidence about the disaster.

Take last week. A top secret report, compiled by the intelligence

wing of the American Air Force, was finally made public.

The report, written *two* *years* after the Lockerbie bombing,

stated that a prominent Iranian leader, Ayatollah Ali Akbar

Mohtashemi, paid L6.5 million [6.5 million British pounds] for

the Palestinian group arrested in Frankfurt to carry out the

bombing.

No sooner had the report been made public than the respective

spokesmen for the British and American governments denied its

authenticity.

In Washington, it was dismissed as a "dud", the result of third-

hand information which had been "mistakenly" channelled into the

system. In Whitehall it was discounted as "old hat", nothing to

get excited about.

At no point did any of the various agencies involved in the

Lockerbie investigation suggest the American report might be

worthy of further attention.

The primary objective of any murder inquiry is to establish

motive. The Iranians had more than enough reason to bomb an

American passenger jet after an Iranian Airbus, with 290 people

on board, was shot down by an American warship in the Gulf in the

summer of 1988.

The Americans never apologised, and Mrs. Thatcher inflamed

Iranian ire by appearing to justify the American action.

Mohtashemi, who founded the Islamic fundamentalist Hizbollah

militia in Lebanon in the 1980s and masterminded the Lebanon

hostage crisis, openly vowed to seek revenge.

That Mohtashemi has a record of sponsoring state terrorism should

in itself be reason enough to investigate him. To claim that

allegations of the nature contained in the U.S. report were

published by mistake is also stretching the bounds of

credibility. Intelligence services, more than any other

government department, are required to sift, assess and analyze

information before it is committed to print.

Whenever it relates to Lockerbie, however, this process, if the

spokesmen are to be believed, is unaccountably overlooked. A more

rigorous intelligence assessment is applied only when the

information, belatedly and often with embarrassing consequences,

becomes public.

The German government responded in similar vein last week when

The Sunday Telegraph revealed that a key figure in the Lockerbie

investigation had been freed from jail in Frankfurt and

repatriated to Syria as part of a secret deal with Iran.

Scottish detectives were keen to interview Abdel Ghadanfar, 53,

one of the Palestinians rounded up in Frankfurt before the

Lockerbie bombing and jailed for 12 years for terrorist offences.

But Ghadanfar was spirited out of Germany last November before

the Scottish inquiry team received satisfactory answers to the

questions they wanted to put to him.

The first the Scottish inquiry team, not to mention the Foreign

Office and the British government, knew about Ghadanfar's release

was when they read about it in The Sunday Telegraph last week. So

much for the much-vaunted international co-operation on

Lockerbie.

And as Ghadanfar's confession to the German authorities,

published for the first time today, has revealed, Ghadanfar and

his accomplice, Hafez Dalkamoni, were deeply involved with

Khreesat in setting up a bomb-making ring in Frankfurt in the

months immediately preceding the Lockerbie disaster.

Despite the protestations of the German Embassy in London that

its government has done nothing wrong, these revelations show

that the Germans, for reasons that remain totally inexplicable to

the victims' relatives, set free an active, bomb-making terrorist

cell.

It is not difficult to understand why the Germans would prefer to

keep their security limitations to themselves. Their discomfort

will be alleviated if they are successful in repatriating

Dalkamoni, Ghadanfar's sole remaining accomplice, in the summer.

Then no one will ever know the real truth about what happened in

Frankfurt.

What is more difficult to explain is why both the British and

American governments continue, in the face of mounting evidence

to the contrary, to persist with their line that culpability for

the disaster should rest entirely with two Libyans.

Warrants were served for the arrest of the Libyans, both members

of Col. Gaddafi's intelligence service, in 1991 after Scottish

and American investigators jointly concluded that they were

involved in placing a suitcase bomb on a flight from Malta, which

was subsequently transferred to Pan Am 103 at Frankfurt.

Douglas Hurd, the Foreign Secretary, said shortly after the

charges were initially made: "The investigation has revealed no

evidence to support suggestions of involvement by other

countries. This matter does not, therefore, affect our relations

with other countries in the region."

This is a highly convenient excuse for the government. The fact

that the Libyan charges are still pending means that all those

involved in Scotland in the inquiry are unable to make any

comment about new developments.

So when Sir Teddy Taylor, the Conservative MP for Southend, says

he has "new and disturbing" information that the bombing was

carried out by Syrian, not Libyan, terrorists, there is no

official response.

And when Tam Dalyell, the Labour MP for Linlithgow, produces

compelling evidence that the Americans actually "stole" a body

from the Lockerbie wreckage, all he receives are gratuitous

insults from Douglas Hogg, Mr. Hurd's lieutenant at the Foreign

Office, when he raises the matter in the Commons.

There are many reasons why the British and Americans have sought

to protect both Syria and Iran from being implicated in

Lockerbie. First there was the fate of the Western hostages held

in Lebanon; then there was the need to keep Damascus and Teheran

sweet during the Gulf war.

The warrants against the two Libyans were served after Iran and

Syria had co-operated with the successful liberation of Kuwait.

But as new evidence, which seriously undermines both the Libyan

and Maltese connections, continues to mount, the government is

under pressure to set up a commission of inquiry, with the same

wide-ranging scope as the Scott Inquiry, to investigate

Lockerbie. This, the relatives of the victims argue, is the very

least that they deserve.

They want to know, for example, precisely what the American

secret agents did at Lockerbie the day after the crash and to

have explained the true extent of the communication breakdown

between the German and Scottish authorities.

Dr. Jim Swire, the official spokesman for relatives of the

Lockerbie victims, said: "It is more than six years since

Lockerbie, and we still have not received a proper explanation

about what happened."

"Our lives were ruined by what happened that night, and our

government has a duty to tell us why these innocent people died."

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O what fine thought we had because we thought | bigred@shout.net

That the worst rogues and rascals had died out. | Illinois,

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